Welcome to the Harbor Unitarian Universalist Congregation

When Rosa Parks refused to move to the back of the bus, her action started a chain of events she could not have foreseen. The black leaders of Montgomery were prepared to take action the next time a reputable black citizen was arrested for claiming his or her right to equal transportation. They had no idea, however, what their actions would precipitate.

When the bus boycott began, Martin Luther King, Jr. was a new, young preacher of whom good things were expected. A graduate of Harvard, he read Henry David Thoreau's essay on Civil Disobedience, and the works and history of Unitarian minister Theodore Parker, minister and abolitionist. He was uniquely qualified to become the face of the Montgomery boycott.

King later visited Ghandi's ashram in India, and talked with his remaining disciples. He wedded Ghandi's techniques to his deeply Christian background and beliefs. In doing so, he became the face and the voice of the Civil Rights movement.

Today we still use Civil Disobedience and Non-Violence when we want to protest an infringement upon our civil rights. We all owe a debt to Henry David Thoreau who spent a few hours in the jail at Concord because he refused to pay taxes to support the church.
There is a probably apocryphal story that as Henry stood by the jail window, Ralph Waldo Emerson walked by and saw him. Startled, he stopped, peered at him and said, "Why Henry, what are you doing in there?" Thoreau replied, "The greater question is, Ralph, what are you doing out there?"

Martin Luther King's combination of deep spirituality, Harvard education and non-violent philosophy made him the perfect person to lead the Civil Rights Movement. His charismatic speaking, grounded in the preaching techniques he learned from his father and scores of other black ministers communicated his soaring vision of a society of equality. He called us to be better than we were.

He cast a vision of an America that was true to its ideals, and true to the hopes of the settlers who came here seeking to found a City on the Hill that would be a light to all the nations. His vision called upon us to grow our hearts and minds until they embraced all people as brothers and sisters. His version of Christianity was true to the teachings of Jesus, and he challenged other ministers, black and white, to join him in the struggle to implement it.

There is no better source for the specifics of his vision than his most famous speech, given before thousands at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D. C. We know it as the I Have a Dream speech. King had prepared his speech carefully, and he began it by reading from his script.

However, as he told an interviewer three months later, "I started out reading the speech…and then just all of a sudden--the audience response was wonderful that day--and all of a sudden this thing came to me that I have used--I'd used it many times before, that thing about 'I have a dream'--and I just felt I wanted to use it here. I don't know why, I hadn't thought about it before the speech." (Garrow, David, Bearing the Cross, Vintage Books, 1988, p. 283.)

The result is unforgettable. As biographer David Garrow says, "Although he did not know it at the time, the speech had been the rhetorical achievement of a lifetime, the clarion call that conveyed the moral power of the movement's cause to the millions who had watched the live national network coverage." (Ibid.)

In his scripted speech, King began by telling the gathered crowd and the world watching on television that the marchers had come to cash a check. He referred to the words in Declaration of Independence that claim that every person has a right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. And he further refined this claim by saying that he and the people gathered were seeking the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

He then said, "We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. … Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood." King's carefully crafted words appealed to the better natures of both black and white Americans.

However, he also added, "There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights." He makes it clear that he and "his people" will not cease their efforts until "the bright day of justice emerges."

Then he cautions the gathered multitude, "In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred." This struggle, he says, will be non-violent, conducted with "dignity and discipline."

King's vision was not only for blacks. He turned to "our white brothers (sic)" and said that "as evidenced by their presence here today, (they) have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. … We cannot walk alone. ..."

It was at this point that he threw away his carefully prepared speech and delivered his dream in words that resonate and live in our hearts and minds still today. He had already called us to our better natures with references to our founding documents. He had already called for equality, and equality now. He had already recognized that this must be a bi-racial effort that did not leave the country polarized into races that hate one another. Reacting to the crowd, and his inner deeply spiritual soul, he rose to visionary heights of eloquence.

"I have a dream," he said. "It is deeply rooted in the American dream."

It's essence is stated in the first sentence of his peroration: "I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.'" With these words he nailed us. He nailed the crowd gathered before him, and the people watching on television. He nailed the Kennedy brothers watching in the Presi-dent's office, who felt the world shift toward justice, whether they were ready for it or not.

The master craftsman continued, building his moral argument. He talked of a "table of brotherhood" that would unite the sons of slaveholders and the sons of slaves. His vision was of a united America that recognized that there is really only one race--the human race. And he put faces on this vision, the faces of his four children, who would "one day be judged not by the color of their skin, but the content of their character."

He then turned to Biblical imagery to enrich his vision, and included the memorable metaphor: "…we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope." He continues, building his images into the vision of a free and united America in which all can share its riches and promise, until he concludes with the unforgettable closing, (all together now), "Free at last, free at last, thank God almighty, we are free at last."

There is the vision--America at its best. America the land of the free for all people. America the land of justice. America the land of equality. How have we done? King's dream was too threatening for some people, and he died a martyr's death. His successors, many of them able, many of them totally com-mitted, many of them good organizers, continued without the visionary. They were and are male and female, black and white, and of many political stripes. How have we done?

Well, in 1964, there were only 1000 African American elected officials of any kind in the United States. In 2004 there were over 9000. (website, Rep. Eddie Bernice Johnson) Shortly after I came here to Muskegon, Blanche Smith was elected mayor of our city, and Rillistine Wilkins is currently mayor of Muskegon Heights.

In the mid-nineties Jackson, Mississippi elected a dynamic young African American lawyer mayor. Here's what is surprising--it was no big deal! Because I know Jackson, and its politics, I know that he could not have been elected without substantial white support.

Political power for African Americans has increased significantly. Perhaps the most potent current symbol is the newest senator from Illinois, Barack Obama. Obama's ability to reach across racial lines seems to portend an exciting future for him in politics. On the plus side, we can say that African Americans are now a significant political force.

African Americans now own and operate radio and TV stations that shape their programming to appeal to black people. The number of African Americans in the middle, upper middle, and upper economic classes has grown significantly. It is no longer news when an African American is named CEO of a large company. It is no longer unusual to have an African American judge, or doctor, or university department head. The economic power of some African Americans has grown significantly.

African Americans have greater cultural influence than in the mid-20th Century. Although jazz (or American classical music) crossed over to white audiences earlier, it has been mostly since the Civil Rights Movement that we have seen an explosion of African American music styles and performers that have influenced the course of popular culture.

Writers, such as Maya Angelou, Audre Lorde, Toni Morrison, August Wilson, Langston Hughes and Paul Laurence Dunbar, help us understand not only African American lives, but enrich our understanding of human nature in general.

Fashion, especially for young people, is strongly influenced by African Ameri-cans. And it is hard to imagine the sports world without African American players. Can anyone picture the NBA lily white? Or football without some of the great African American players? Or golf without Tiger Woods?

Woods reminds us that it is becoming more and more difficult to separate Americans into black and white. Often that line of separation runs through the bodies of specific humans, such as Woods. And often, the humans include more than just African and European. Native American, Asians and Hispanics of many colors blend into our population, and into our families. Martin Luther King, Jr. could not have anticipated that forty plus years after his speech, Americans are increasingly shades of tan and brown, rather than black and white. We are indeed all members of the human race.

We have accomplished much. King could look around and be proud of what those who followed his inspiration accomplished. However, let us not become complacent. For much remains to be done.

Although political power has increased for African Americans, there are still many challenges. After this last election it is clear that election procedures in African American communities are far more likely to be disrupted and difficult. When large numbers of African Americans respond negatively when asked to vote, they often say that their vote doesn't count. Sometimes this reflects reality. Martin would weep.

Although economic power for some African Americans has increased, there is a large lower class that remains below the poverty line. Many of us believe that, while race discrimination significantly decreased, class discrimination took its place. The gap between the haves and have-nots in America widens each year.
And the have-nots are disproportionately black or shades of brown. Martin would shake his head.

While African Americans have deeply influenced popular, and especially street culture, their influence has been less in what I will call high culture. There are exceptions. Marian Anderson was a Mississippi native, whose glorious voice gained her international renown. And Mississippians love to tell the story of how her mother's employer paid for her voice lessons, thus gifting the world with her voice.

There have been significant African American painters, such as William H. Johnson and Jacob Lawrence, and one can find a few examples in every field. However, generally, with the exception of jazz, which I regard as high culture, the influence of African Americans on high culture has not been great. Martin would be disappointed.

The increasing blending of what has been called racial attributes in our population is not celebrated by everyone in our culture. The old bugaboo of miscegenation is often raised with varying degrees of loudness in families, churches and communities. Biracial couples still get stares in some com-munities. Martin would be sad.

There is work yet to be done. The revolution is incomplete, the vision not yet fulfilled. We are not yet as good as we can be. Visions are seldom fulfilled in a short length of time.

Today and tomorrow, when we officially celebrate the birth date of the great visionary, are good times to think about what we can do to help complete his work. Unitarian Universalists participated in Dr. King's work for Civil Rights, and we continue working toward racial justice.

That is the first thing we are called to do--work toward justice. Most of the isms we deplore--racism, classism, sexism, etc., are closely intertwined. Working for justice for one helps bring about justice for all.

We can also honor the diversity we experience here in our congregation and in the community at large. We, who claim diverse religious choices within our association and in this congregation, are in a unique position to truly honor the contributions of those who differ from us.

And I believe we need to honor our history--our Unitarian and Universalist histories, and the history of this congregation. We need to remember that Unitarian minister James Reeb was killed in Selma. We need to remember that Detroit Unitarian Viola Liuzzo was slain transporting people on the march from Selma to Montgomery. We need to remember that Unitarian and Universalist ministers from all over the country responded to Dr. King's request for support from his colleagues. And we need to remember that the board of the American Unitarian Association was meeting in Boston when the first attempt to cross the James Pettis bridge resulted in death and injury to both blacks and whites.
The board suspended their meeting, flew to Selma and walked the route between Selma and Montgomery with Martin Luther King. Our history is honorable.

This congregation has a history also. You sponsored racial justice groups at several points in your history. Community Uniting for Peace met here often. And you supported me when I took time to work with them, and assist in bringing the Institute for Racial Healing to Muskegon. You support the Martin Luther King, Jr. Essay Contest, and volunteer your time and give your money to E. Grace Loftis School, which is predominately African American. You have an honorable history. Remember and celebrate it.

Three things we can do--work for justice, honor our diversity and remember our history. Let us continue in this work, until we can join with Martin in his classic refrain; (Together) "Free at last, free at last, thank God Almighty, we are free at last."

Amen.
Blessed Be.
Shalom.
Saalat.